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6/6.Chouard.Metz.oct2011-DÉMOCRATIE DONC TIRAGE AU SORT

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    Ok, so now I'll talk about democracy
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    What can we do?
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    It is very important,
    it is the most important.
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    So, 3/4 of an hour is not a lot.
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    Well, I will hand you 3 documents
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    one summary about money
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    there is a bibliography at the end
    to deepen the topic
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    Here, on the money,
    hand it to them please,
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    I don't know if there is enough
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    if there are not enough,
    there are some left here unstapled,
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    I will give you…. Then, I will give you…

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    because we're losing time
    in distribution here -
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    and then, I'll give you also 2 documents
    about the draw
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    which is the idea,
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    on wich I base my contesting the election
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    and the alternative idea of the draw
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    the first document which is called :
    democracy or aristocracy?
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    draw, or election?
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    who can choose? who can make
    this choice of society?
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    who can choose: election or draw!
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    Is it the representative?
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    Because I can tell you right away,
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    if it is,
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    they are going to prefer the election
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    or is it the people itself?
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    this is the first document,
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    and then I deepened my thinking
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    and I made a 2nd document on
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    the centrality of the draw in a democracy
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    where I speak of Athenian institutions
    in more details
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    so you understand how it worked in Athens
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    so, we will soon turn on the projector,
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    I'll get up to show you
    the Athenian institutions
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    First, I will explain the .....
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    this one is the most important!
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    the 2nd, called centrality of the draw,
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    is the most important,
    all this is on Internet, of course,
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    you google Chouard and ....
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    everyone has the document
    'centrality of the draw in a democracy '?
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    I'll start with a quote,
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    the quote at the bottom of the first page
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    an important quote
    that you should not forget
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    which you may also replicate
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    and display in your living room
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    to talk about it with the friends
    who come to see you
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    because you'll see,
    what I expect from you anyway,
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    that's how I see a peaceful revolution,
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    but not utopian, is that
    we would become virus
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    and we do not content ourselves
    to have understood,
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    but we would want to make
    other people understand
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    if we did that instead of standing still
    and understanding thinking:
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    it's nice this idea, it's good!
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    instead of doing that
    we'd become a little militant
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    which means we would try to convince
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    maybe one person a week, or a month ...
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    if we do that, if we manage
    to convince one person per week
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    maybe one month if you do not succeed,
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    it should not take a year to be millions
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    you do a cross-multiplication,
    the exponential calculation,
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    it goes really quick
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    if you manufacture four viruses yourself
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    if you are a virus yourself
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    a beneficent virus, huh!
    Of social justice and democracy
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    and if you manage yourself
    to convince 4 people
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    not only people you have convinced,
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    but people which you convinced
    to become, themselves
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    trainer of trainers, that thing is
    at reach of our hands!
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    So I know that there are chains like this,
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    which have no stake
    but we do not care about these chains.
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    Here, it is actually a human chain
    but with a stake, I think,
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    a really major stake
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    I do not see how we will get out of
    these bankers' clutches without it!
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    but with that, really, you see,
    it can work
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    when you study what is
    the Athenian democracy
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    and especially the characteristics of
    facts it presented,
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    it's spectacular!
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    then I'll start with the quote
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    Can you let me know 1/4 hour
    before the end?
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    I must give attention to....
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    it's awful that time is not elastic!
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    Participant : I didn't hand out
    this papersheet here?
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    no, someone else handed these I believe
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    You want one? Is there one
    remaining for me?
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    Participant : I'll take it later
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    Etienne : yes ... Please leave one
    to me so that I ...
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    anyway, I will use the diagram mainly
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    I'll place it between us, no problem !
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    we will read the statement of one of the
    greatest constituers of French Revolution
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    one of the thinkers of French Revolution
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    He is not a minion, he is someone
    important in the french revolution,
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    who speaks of the regime they established
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    and which is ours today and
    the one of every government in the world
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    every government except for tyrannies
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    All parliamentary systems are organized
    on these principles
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    so what said Abbe Sieyes in 1789?
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    "Citizens who appoint representatives,
    (who call upon themselves,
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    Who give themselves representatives),
    give up
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    and must give up making
    the law themselves;
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    they have no particular desire to impose,
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    If they dictated wills,
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    France wouldn't be
    this representative state anymore
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    it would be a democratic state.
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    The people, as I said, in a country
    that is not a democracy,
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    and France could not be one,
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    (He couldn't be clearer than that)
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    people can not speak, can not do,
    without its representatives "
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    This is the state of mind of Madison,
    in the US,
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    founding father of
    the American Revolution,
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    who said the same thing in his own words:
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    the people is not capable of leading,
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    it'll be the leaders who will lead,
    said Madison and Sieyes
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    Could that quote be any clearer?
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    I should have put it bigger,
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    I should write it right in the middle,
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    I should start with that,
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    maybe I'll review and I'll put
    my stuff in the middle
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    because then we understood.
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    Because the regime that Sieyes implemented

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    the scheme in which
    we elect representatives
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    who decide everything for us for 5 years
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    without us being able to dismiss them,
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    nor say that the law they just passed
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    is an appalling filth,
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    nor say that the law they are trying
    to deprive us
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    is a law we would like to keep,
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    who they have no account to give to us.
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    This regime there ,
    which is absolutely not a democracy
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    which is our current system,
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    it was not intended as a democracy,
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    even by pretending,
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    they knew very well, they boasted,
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    they knew very well that
    they certainly did not want
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    at no cost, no way, a democracy.
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    They wanted a representative government
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    that is to say a government
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    in which people are just good at
    designating their masters.
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    I weigh my words, I am not exaggerating.
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    I am not exaggerating.
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    You have our representatives, people
    we elect who decide everything for us.
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    I do a strike of the word democracy
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    I do not want, at any cost….
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    I speak no more of democracy
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    this is a joke, it's not true,
    even representative
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    representative democracy is an oxymoron
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    a contradiction in terms, it's not true
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    it's just not possible
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    like black light, or warm snow
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    it is an oxymoron, a contradiction,
    a nonsense
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    Representative democracy is not possible
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    and direct democracy is a tautology
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    a democracy is necessarily direct
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    so we need representatives.
    Democrats, we'll see
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    the Athenians had representatives
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    they needed police
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    they needed judges, yes yes yes,
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    all the things the assembly can not do
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    it gets the representatives do
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    but representatives who are
    the servants of the assembly
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    and do not become its masters
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    and the tool that can be used to protect
    the people, us, that protects us,
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    which gives us the possibility
    of writing our laws ourselves
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    those of us who want to write
    the laws will write
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    and those who do not want,
    well they stay home
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    but those who want to come
    to the assembly,
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    they come and participate
    in the development of legislation
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    what protects them against
    thieves of power?
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    The draw.
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    so, that is what I'll show you,
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    so I made a diagram
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    which I use to illustrate
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    we must turn on that thing
    for it to warm up
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    I made a diagram
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    to understand
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    How the Athenians had thought
    their system,
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    what their objectives were,
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    and which institutions
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    they have put in place
    to achieve these goals?
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    I will be forced to make short,
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    normally what I have to tell you here,
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    lasts an hour and a half,
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    I have not more than half an hour
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    so I'll be forced to make short
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    but I have made lots of conferences
    since February
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    So there are several videos
    that are on the web
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    which will allow you to work on the topic.
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    What I will do there,
    I'll just sow some seeds
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    I'll let you know
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    that something very important is happening
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    we're digging out
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    from the seabed, valuable amphoras,
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    a precious treasure
    which is capable, I believe
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    to emancipate us,
    which can get us out of penury,
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    which is able to protect us
    from the oligarchy
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    What I'm discovering

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    it is not I who invented it
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    I discover something that existed
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    but what I am discovering by reading
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    it's like an antidote
    to oligarchic pressure
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    I'm not saying that
    the oligarchic pressures will disappear,
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    I'm not crazy, it's very concrete
    what I say, it is very pragmatic.
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    I not talking about a theoretical thing,
    idealistic
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    that would require ... a dream.
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    No no, not at all, it is the opposite,
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    Athenians set up a very practical system
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    taking in consideration our imperfection.
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    Yes?
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    Participant: Before you begin,
    From what you say,
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    I do have the impression
    that you get an idea,
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    when I listen to you, a very idealistic &
    very false idea of Athenian democracy
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    which... I don't see how you want
    to get on without representatives,
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    the democrat ... Let's say, those
    who regularly participated in the assembly
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    taking the athenian population
    at its maximum
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    they had 50,000 people
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    Etienne : Yes 30 000-50 000
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    Part.: those who were directly involved
    in the Assembly 5000 - 6000
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    We are 63 million in France alone
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    I don't see how we can do
    without representatives
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    Etienne : But that's
    what I will explain to you
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    Part.: and even...again, it is a very
    small country, it is only 60 million
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    Etienne: it could work with billions
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    Participant: there are countries where
    they are 750 and people living
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    in the depths of Siberia
    Etienne: but I'll explain,
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    precisely this is why it is fabulous
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    Yes, and then, there are other things,
    there are many other objections
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    in the document that I've handed out
    to you,
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    there is a handful of objections
    that I regularly find
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    I do not want to be right at all costs,
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    I try to protect myself
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    I try to protect us against
    the power abuses
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    and what I'm going
    to show you is something,
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    it is not a model.
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    I am not trying to transpose
    what happened in Athens.
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    There are things which happened in Athens
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    that I do not want to see today at all!
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    I'll start with the objections if you want
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    that way it will reassure you over ...
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    very classic objections
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    because it's still a topic
    that is regularly ...
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    that comes out and which they try to bury
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    always with the same objections
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    so I can start by this if you want.
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    Athens was a pro-slavery regime,
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    there were slaves in Athens.
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    I think with the few words
    that I could share with you
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    I think you understand
    that I am not a pro-slavery
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    What I'm interested in
    about athens is not slavery, so
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    there is something else in
    the athenes institutions that interests me
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    We will decide to transpose
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    Part of the interesting institutions
    of Athens
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    only if they are functional
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    without slavery, of course.
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    This objection here, can we say that ....
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    Participant: I did not even thought,
    you talk about democracy
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    the idea of slavery had
    not even crossed my mind.
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    Etienne: Yes, but it's an argument
    that representatives
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    use against me by saying "but Mr Chouard
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    Do you realize that
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    you're defending a pro-slavery system "
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    It is blunt hypocrisy
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    Obviously I do not defend
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    a pro-slavery regime, of course
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    but that's not all of it,
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    the Athenians were total machos.
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    They had put half of humanity,
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    that is to say they put women away.
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    Women stayed home
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    while men were doing politics.
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    So obviously, I think you understood
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    that is not what interests me.
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    That is to say, of course,
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    if the seeds of democracy are interesting
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    they will be only if we can apply it
    in a society
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    in which the people of today,
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    obviously, would integrate women,
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    it's obvious. So it is that there is
    something else which interests me.
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    So this objection there, for me,
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    it would apply only if democracy
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    only worked because of that.
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    Participant: My objection was not
    about that, it was about the number
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    Participant: you had very few people
    in Athens, how do you apply it
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    Etienne: Now I take this objection here
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    there is no problem, I know it
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    and I thought about it and
    what interests me
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    it is whether my answer satisfies you
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    or wether I must push it further
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    you will see
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    The Athenian city was between 30 000 and
    50 000 people depending on the period
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    this is exactly the population
    of our cities
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    I can not imagine democracy
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    organizable either at a nation level,
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    a continent or the world, as it is.
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    Listen carefully, What I imagine
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    is that : here, we are in Metz,
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    but then Metz is a big city
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    so there are districs;
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    in big cities there are districts
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    and there are boroughs, I suppose,
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    and it may be slightly bigger boroughs
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    but well... We saw on the way, we saw
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    there was a theater not far
    from here, around;
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    imagine, in every district of big cities,
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    in every village, there is a large theater
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    which can hold 6,000 people

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    maybe 10,000 , because with modern means
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    we should be able to have sound
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    and to accept ten thousand people.
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    Anyway, there will have to be a discipline
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    which will be discussed later perhaps,
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    there was a discipline at the assembly :
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    everyone could speak but not everyone did.
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    It was only those who had
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    something important to say who spoke.
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    Imagine that in each municipality,

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    because that happens in Switzerland,
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    it is not a theory,
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    there are countries where it is practiced.
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    Imagine that at the municipal level
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    we deal, us, men
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    all the things we can settle at
    communal level.
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    I do not say everything, I mean everything
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    we can settle at communal level.
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    Wait, this is already half
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    the laws that you have recovered for you;
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    half of the laws, maybe not everyone…
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    We must discuss.
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    I'm interested to discuss
    to know, well,
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    Now let's get sarted: which topics
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    can I handle at communal level
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    effectively, which topics
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    will require for me to group up
    with other cities
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    and I associate to this thinking,
    the precious thinking
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    of Proud'hon, and here's another one
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    who is contested and is waved away
    with a flick
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    because he was a misogynist and
    he was anti-Semitic
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    Participant: and Bonapartist
    at the end of his life
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    Etienne : and Bonapartist,
    ok, but if you want
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    Participant: unfortunately
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    Etienne: Unfortunately, yes!
  • 15:40 - 15:42
    I don't defend Proud'hon for
    this three faults
  • 15:42 - 15:45
    I defend Proud'hon because
    he defended a people's bank
  • 15:45 - 15:47
    because it defended
    the federation of cities,
  • 15:47 - 15:50
    leaderless. Wait ... Proudhon he ...
  • 15:51 - 15:52
    You can not minimize people to:
  • 15:52 - 15:55
    either they'll be angels or either
    they will be evil!
  • 15:55 - 15:57
    It is not possible,
    it does not work like that,
  • 15:57 - 15:59
    people have faults, they are wrong
  • 15:59 - 16:01
    maybe they even fuck up completely
    on one or two topics
  • 16:01 - 16:03
    but then they will have a great idea!
  • 16:03 - 16:06
    So, the work that Proud'hon did
    about the federation
  • 16:06 - 16:10
    that is to say the organization
    of democracy at the base,
  • 16:10 - 16:12
    between us at the roots, small cells,
  • 16:13 - 16:15
    boroughs, not department,
    not communities of boroughs,
  • 16:15 - 16:17
    This is too big already, here they're
  • 16:17 - 16:20
    stealing democracy from us when they do
    communities of boroughs.
  • 16:20 - 16:22
    No, the borough, the small structure,
  • 16:22 - 16:24
    the organization of democracy among us
  • 16:24 - 16:28
    and then, there are lots of countries
    where it works :
  • 16:28 - 16:30
    Germany is a federation,
  • 16:30 - 16:31
    Switzerland is a federation,
  • 16:31 - 16:33
    the United States are a federation…
  • 16:33 - 16:37
    The political experience of
    the federation structure
  • 16:37 - 16:41
    it is not at all: we throw ourselves into
    the black hole of the unknown and ...
  • 16:41 - 16:45
    It's not that at all! We know very
    well how federations work.
  • 16:45 - 16:47
    However, what would be different
    compared to
  • 16:47 - 16:50
    federations we know is that
    we would start by the base,
  • 16:50 - 16:52
    by organizing a real democracy
    at the base,
  • 16:52 - 16:56
    with people who really decide
    on everything they can.
  • 16:56 - 16:58
    In Athens, they decide what they can.
  • 16:59 - 17:01
    It is called subsidiarity.
  • 17:01 - 17:04
    I decide myself, people of the borough,
  • 17:04 - 17:06
    I take care of everything I can
  • 17:06 - 17:09
    And I delegate to an higher level
    only what,
  • 17:09 - 17:11
    logically and rationally,
  • 17:11 - 17:13
    I must delegate to a higher level.
  • 17:13 - 17:15
    Participant: ah so there are delegates?
  • 17:15 - 17:18
    Etienne: yes yes, there will be
    delegates, absolutely!
  • 17:18 - 17:20
    Participant: ah, that was my question!
  • 17:20 - 17:22
    Etienne: ah yes yes, there will be
    delegates.
  • 17:23 - 17:25
    I told you earlier, in Athens,
  • 17:25 - 17:26
    there were representatives.
  • 17:28 - 17:30
    We need representatives.
  • 17:31 - 17:34
    Only, a democracy pays attention
  • 17:34 - 17:36
    that its representatives remains servants
  • 17:36 - 17:38
    and do not become masters.
  • 17:38 - 17:39
    That is very important !
  • 17:39 - 17:41
    Because a representative is ...
  • 17:41 - 17:44
    There is a polysemia in the word.
  • 17:44 - 17:46
    Representative is word with two meanings:
  • 17:46 - 17:49
    there is the representative which has
    the mandate to do everything in my place
  • 17:49 - 17:54
    and then, there is the representative
    who can be my servile agent
  • 17:55 - 17:57
    which means,, he waits for my orders.
  • 17:57 - 17:59
    He'll do in my place but it is not he
    who decides,
  • 17:59 - 18:01
    He does according to my orders
  • 18:01 - 18:04
    and yet it is
    the same word "representative".
  • 18:04 - 18:07
    So the democrats, in my opinion,
  • 18:07 - 18:11
    the democrat, gives the word
    representative a very limited meaning
  • 18:11 - 18:14
    the minimal meaning of
    "I can not do it myself
  • 18:14 - 18:16
    So you are going to do it for me but
  • 18:16 - 18:18
    you are now the man to watch "
  • 18:18 - 18:21
    and therefore the municipal assembly
    which delegates to high level
  • 18:21 - 18:23
    topics it can not do otherwise
    than delegating,
  • 18:23 - 18:26
    it will delegate one or two members
    from itself
  • 18:27 - 18:29
    drawn or elected, it will have
    to be decided
  • 18:30 - 18:32
    I have no preconceived ideas,
  • 18:32 - 18:34
    both have advantages and disadvantages
  • 18:34 - 18:36
    but above all, it will monitor him,
  • 18:36 - 18:39
    it will say "you're going to go and
    when you need to make a decision
  • 18:39 - 18:42
    you'll contact us and we will tell you
    what you must say "
  • 18:42 - 18:46
    It is quite conceivable that! It will
    slow down things, yes it will slow down
  • 18:46 - 18:48
    but there is no hurry! We want..
  • 18:48 - 18:50
    There is no hurry!
    We will make mistakes,
  • 18:50 - 18:53
    and then? The representatives
    don't make mistakes perhaps?
  • 18:53 - 18:55
    yes we will perhaps make mistakes,
    so what?
  • 18:55 - 18:57
    Everything that is alive can
    make mistakes.
  • 18:57 - 19:00
    where does it come from
    that political actors are never wrong?
  • 19:00 - 19:02
    We have already seen it, of course!
  • 19:02 - 19:04
    Representatives are wrong all the time
  • 19:04 - 19:07
    and we are told but a popular assembly
    will make mistakes.
  • 19:07 - 19:08
    Yeah, yes it will make mistakes.
  • 19:08 - 19:11
    Well, if it makes a mistake,
    it will correct it.
  • 19:11 - 19:13
    So, if you like, in the large-scale plan

  • 19:13 - 19:14
    you will see that ...
  • 19:14 - 19:16
    I'll talk about it immediately because
  • 19:16 - 19:18
    otherwise I feel I'm going
    to run out of time.
  • 19:18 - 19:20
    On the large-scale plan, you will see that
  • 19:20 - 19:23
    democracy and the draw are more suitable
  • 19:23 - 19:27
    but really, much more suitable
    for the large scale than election.
  • 19:27 - 19:31
    The election is betting that you know
    whom you elect
  • 19:31 - 19:33
    otherwise it is blunt hypocrisy.
  • 19:33 - 19:37
    If we do not know the people we elect,
    the election is meaningless.
  • 19:39 - 19:42
    Participant: one needs to know
    the program, not the person
  • 19:42 - 19:46
    Etienne: that, yes I agree,
    the person or his program.
  • 19:47 - 19:50
    The election suppose that I know
    the person or his program
  • 19:50 - 19:56
    and that's not all, since the idea
    defended by the election
  • 19:56 - 20:00
    is that if I am not happy with the person
    who is elected, I will not reelect him.
  • 20:00 - 20:04
    Therefore election suggest that I know
    what did the representative,
  • 20:04 - 20:06
    otherwise, it is again blunt hypocrisy.
  • 20:06 - 20:07
    If I don't know what he did
  • 20:07 - 20:09
    how can I judge
  • 20:09 - 20:11
    and say, he applied his program
    or he didn't,
  • 20:11 - 20:12
    Okay?
  • 20:13 - 20:16
    Therefore the election,
    almost mechanically,
  • 20:16 - 20:18
    requires proximity,
  • 20:18 - 20:20
    it requires that I know…
  • 20:20 - 20:22
    well, it is true that if you stick
    to the program,
  • 20:22 - 20:24
    we do not need to know the man but
  • 20:24 - 20:27
    I think, we move away
    from the election in this case ...
  • 20:27 - 20:29
    The election is still very
    intuiti-personae,
  • 20:30 - 20:33
    the role of the individual has
    a strong hold
  • 20:33 - 20:35
    on the idea of the election.
  • 20:35 - 20:38
    People care about the election because
    they want to choose the man, often.
  • 20:38 - 20:40
    It is true that it is in the trend
  • 20:40 - 20:42
    to choose the program
  • 20:42 - 20:44
    but it seems to me that the arguments
  • 20:44 - 20:47
    used to defend the election, very often,

  • 20:47 - 20:48
    what is highlighted
  • 20:48 - 20:50
    is the fact that you can choose the man:
  • 20:50 - 20:51
    the most virtuous guy, the best one.
  • 20:51 - 20:53
    The election is aristocratic.
  • 20:53 - 20:55
    And so it is assumed that you know the guy
  • 20:55 - 21:00
    and if you know him, in order to
    know him, he has to be close.
  • 21:00 - 21:02
    Do you know the representatives
  • 21:02 - 21:04
    you designate in the European Parliament?
  • 21:04 - 21:05
    Participants: no
  • 21:06 - 21:09
    Etienne: No, and you know what's worse?
  • 21:09 - 21:11
    Do you know what
    they have done in your name
  • 21:11 - 21:13
    the European Parliament?
  • 21:13 - 21:15
    You know nothing at all.
  • 21:15 - 21:16
    While the guys in the borough
  • 21:16 - 21:18
    you elected him, and you see
  • 21:18 - 21:20
    as it is easier to control what he does.
  • 21:20 - 21:22
    While the draw ... You understood that
  • 21:22 - 21:24
    nevertheless the election,
    the more you go up
  • 21:24 - 21:26
    in scale, the more it is more problematic,
  • 21:27 - 21:34
    the more it becomes mystifying,
    mythical, idealistic, unrealistic
  • 21:35 - 21:39
    while the draw, the draw
    takes in consideration
  • 21:39 - 21:43
    that we are imperfect,
    we might steal from the kitty,
  • 21:43 - 21:46
    we could lie, we could become, with power
  • 21:46 - 21:48
    we could become detrimental
  • 21:51 - 21:53
    to the public interest
  • 21:53 - 21:56
    in a very concrete, practical,
    maybe a little pessimistic way.
  • 21:57 - 22:02
    Democracy, acknowledging
    these imperfections, instead of saying
  • 22:02 - 22:06
    we trust you and for 5 years you will do
    everything in our place
  • 22:06 - 22:07
    Instead of doing that,
  • 22:07 - 22:11
    Democracy says : you, whom I have drawn,
    I will give you some power,
  • 22:12 - 22:15
    not a lot, not for long, and never twice.
  • 22:15 - 22:21
    Because I am afraid of you,
    I have a little confidence in you,
  • 22:21 - 22:24
    but not too much,
    I do not trust you, because ...
  • 22:24 - 22:25
    Because that's how it is
  • 22:25 - 22:27
    And it's not about you
    that I'm suspicious,
  • 22:27 - 22:28
    It is about power.
  • 22:29 - 22:31
    And therefore, if you want, the draw
  • 22:31 - 22:33
    it is accompanied by a serie of ...
  • 22:33 - 22:36
    That's why it is necessary
    that I speak to you about it,
  • 22:36 - 22:38
    it is accompanied by a range
    of institutions.
  • 22:38 - 22:40
    What must be understood is that the draw
  • 22:40 - 22:42
    is a central part,
    like the heart of the machine,
  • 22:42 - 22:45
    or like a very important part
    of the machine
  • 22:45 - 22:46
    but that's not all of it,
  • 22:46 - 22:48
    there are all the controls
    that go with it.
  • 22:48 - 22:50
    When you decide to draw, you decide
  • 22:50 - 22:51
    to retain power for you,
  • 22:51 - 22:54
    you, the people, you decide that
    it is you who will exercise power
  • 22:54 - 22:57
    and that, the draw is used to protect you
    against power thieves.
  • 22:57 - 23:00
    we say "concretely we know
    there are thieves of power,"
  • 23:00 - 23:01
    we know it,
  • 23:01 - 23:04
    we don't say that we will get rid of
    them, not at all,
  • 23:04 - 23:06
    we just say that we will assign power
  • 23:06 - 23:07
    in a way that power thieves
  • 23:07 - 23:09
    can not steal it.
  • 23:09 - 23:10
    Therefore, with the draw,
  • 23:11 - 23:13
    the democratic organization,
  • 23:13 - 23:17
    establishes, not one, not two, not ten,
  • 23:17 - 23:22
    it establishes a lot, it can be
    a dozen tighter controls
  • 23:22 - 23:25
    before the mandate during
    the mandate, after the mandate…
  • 23:26 - 23:29
    I may be able to show you,
  • 23:29 - 23:30
    so I'll stay close to my microphone,
  • 23:30 - 23:35
    I can show you with the mouse.
  • 23:35 - 23:38
    See that? In the diagram you have,
    on page 2 of the book,
  • 23:38 - 23:42
    you have the democratic institutions
  • 23:42 - 23:46
    and then you have the institutions
    for control of the drawn,
  • 23:46 - 23:48
    and there are controls before,
  • 23:48 - 23:50
    there are three controls before,
  • 23:50 - 23:52
    there is one control during the mandate,
  • 23:52 - 23:56
    controls at the end of the mandate,
    there is an account reporting,
  • 23:56 - 23:57
    after that you have ....
  • 23:57 - 23:59
    if I have some time I will
    come back to it.
  • 23:59 - 24:00
    What I mean is that,
  • 24:00 - 24:02
    if you decide to establish democracy,
  • 24:02 - 24:04
    if you decide to set up a system of ...
  • 24:04 - 24:08
    offices allocation by draw because
  • 24:08 - 24:12
    you know that, those
    who will have power will tend
  • 24:12 - 24:15
    to change and break away
    from the general interest,
  • 24:15 - 24:17
    become corruptible. Then, since you know
  • 24:17 - 24:19
    that power corrupts and that
    it takes time to corrupt,
  • 24:20 - 24:23
    you have given power for a short time,
  • 24:23 - 24:25
    so they have no time to be corrupted.
  • 24:25 - 24:27
    All the controls that you have set,
  • 24:27 - 24:30
    the brevity of the mandates,
    the non-renewal of mandates,
  • 24:30 - 24:34
    All these features will protect you
  • 24:34 - 24:36
    without you having to take care of it
  • 24:36 - 24:38
    and that's why it is more adaptable
  • 24:38 - 24:39
    to large scale.
  • 24:40 - 24:42
    I would be much less worried
  • 24:42 - 24:44
    if my MEPs were drawn
  • 24:44 - 24:47
    and controlled as they are here
  • 24:47 - 24:49
    than with the system where I elect someone
  • 24:49 - 24:51
    I do not know and I do not know
    what he's doing
  • 24:51 - 24:53
    I have no way of knowing
  • 24:53 - 24:55
    and when he's trying
    to scuttle my system,
  • 24:55 - 24:56
    to scuttle democracy,
  • 24:56 - 24:57
    I can do nothing, I am powerless.
  • 24:57 - 24:59
    It is much more worrying than a system
  • 24:59 - 25:01
    where they would be constantly monitored.
  • 25:01 - 25:04
    What I mean is the draw would be
    more coherent to the large scale
  • 25:04 - 25:07
    because I do not trust,
    very pragmatically, I do not count on
  • 25:07 - 25:10
    The spontaneous righteousness of people,
    while
  • 25:10 - 25:13
    the election does as if,
    because they are elected,
  • 25:13 - 25:16
    they were virtuous, which is a myth,
  • 25:16 - 25:18
    two hundred years of experience proove it.

  • 25:18 - 25:18
    Yes?
  • 25:18 - 25:22
    Participant: two questions that go
    a little bit ahead of that,
  • 25:22 - 25:23
    on what you said just now :
  • 25:23 - 25:28
    Who is to choose the topics
    to be delegated and the topics
  • 25:28 - 25:30
    which can be treated locally
  • 25:30 - 25:33
    and then how we manage
    the heterogeneity of different situations
  • 25:33 - 25:35
    So that's my first question and ...
  • 25:35 - 25:37
    Etienne : One at a time, one
    at a time to respond because
  • 25:37 - 25:39
    this one is complicated already.
  • 25:39 - 25:42
    I mean, it is complicated,
    I will respond quickly and
  • 25:42 - 25:43
    I'll turn it over to you after.
  • 25:45 - 25:48
    Those who decide are the people.
  • 25:48 - 25:51
    It is true that it is difficult
    to prepare laws,
  • 25:51 - 25:53
    So there were representatives
    who were preparing laws.
  • 25:53 - 25:56
    There was the council of the 500
    which was drawn
  • 25:56 - 25:57
    500 people selected at random and,
  • 25:57 - 26:00
    which prepared the laws,
    it is not they who were voting laws,
  • 26:00 - 26:02
    it is they who prepared it...
  • 26:02 - 26:04
    much like the work by commissions.
  • 26:04 - 26:06
    Only, it is not professional,
    it was amateur,
  • 26:06 - 26:08
    and as it is amateur,
    it gives laws that are simpler,
  • 26:08 - 26:11
    it makes laws that are understandable
    by everybody
  • 26:11 - 26:13
    because they are made by
    people like you and me.
  • 26:13 - 26:16
    You must understand that,
    I turn over to you immediately,
  • 26:16 - 26:18
    professionalisation of
    the production of law,
  • 26:18 - 26:21
    interpreting ... so parliamentarians,
  • 26:21 - 26:25
    professionalisation of interpretation
    of law,
  • 26:25 - 26:27
    lawyers and judges,
  • 26:27 - 26:30
    the professionalisation of
    all the actors of law
  • 26:30 - 26:33
    push to complexity ...
  • 26:33 - 26:35
    to complication even,
  • 26:35 - 26:37
    because complexity is a positive word,
  • 26:37 - 26:41
    but the complication,
    unnecessary complication of the law.
  • 26:41 - 26:44
    You understand that
    a professional that does this all his life
  • 26:44 - 26:48
    it may take in, understand,
    and master high complexity
  • 26:48 - 26:50
    but the law applies to us all
  • 26:52 - 26:53
    It puts us in a situation
  • 26:53 - 26:56
    of major legal uncertainty.
  • 26:57 - 26:59
    15 minutes, right?
  • 27:04 - 27:08
    Anyway, it's impossible, It would take ...
  • 27:08 - 27:11
    It would take four more hours,
    it is infinite,
  • 27:11 - 27:13
    It is a great topic, it is a topic…
  • 27:13 - 27:16
    Do you feel that this is a major issue,
  • 27:16 - 27:17
    completely disregarded?
  • 27:17 - 27:19
    That is to say we are on,
  • 27:19 - 27:22
    both an understanding of
    the basic mechanisms
  • 27:22 - 27:25
    which lead to our political impotence, and
  • 27:25 - 27:29
    a solution, fully operational,
    I'm not saying it is perfect
  • 27:29 - 27:32
    there are things I have not seen,
    I only ask ...
  • 27:32 - 27:35
    you see, we will be deprived
    again of this wonderful moment
  • 27:35 - 27:37
    which is when we exchange we get to…
  • 27:37 - 27:39
    That I manage to improve my ideas,
  • 27:39 - 27:41
    the system improves,

  • 27:42 - 27:43
    it will improve,
  • 27:43 - 27:46
    that is to say, if I sowed
    the seed in your head
  • 27:46 - 27:49
    you will continue to think about it,
    you'll find stuff
  • 27:49 - 27:51
    and you will write to me and
    it will continue, I ...
  • 27:51 - 27:53
    That's the idea, that
    it does not stop here.
  • 27:53 - 27:57
    Anyway, there is no time to discuss
    the full topic in one evening.
  • 27:57 - 28:01
    So it does not matter that
    we do not end. I would just ...
  • 28:02 - 28:05
    Did I answer?
  • 28:05 - 28:07
    You were saying :
    who settles the question?
  • 28:07 - 28:10
    Who decides what we delegate?
    Who chooses the topics?
  • 28:10 - 28:12
    It is us, it is the assembly,
  • 28:12 - 28:14
    it is the assembly, it is the people,
  • 28:14 - 28:15
    then the assembly, it is not everyone
  • 28:15 - 28:18
    since there are people
    who are not interested.
  • 28:18 - 28:20
    The Athenians had
    the problem of active, passive,
  • 28:20 - 28:22
    citizens who are disinterested.
  • 28:22 - 28:23
    They already had this problem of
  • 28:25 - 28:28
    how to make it sexy, to make democracy
    attractive
  • 28:29 - 28:31
    for people to become active.
  • 28:31 - 28:33
    They had this problem, much less than us,
  • 28:33 - 28:35
    because they had
    more active citizens than us
  • 28:35 - 28:36
    but they had this problem.
  • 28:36 - 28:39
    So we will have it too
    but it is less serious
  • 28:39 - 28:40
    than the problems we have right now.
  • 28:40 - 28:42
    and so, who decides? It is us,
  • 28:42 - 28:43
    those who come to the assembly.
  • 28:43 - 28:46
    So, is that a problem for you?
    No? I do not know?
  • 28:46 - 28:50
    Participant: What people is this, is this
    the 50 000, is this the six million …
  • 28:50 - 28:51
    Etienne: oh no no it's at a local level
  • 28:51 - 28:54
    Part.: Let's take a topic
    social security for example,
  • 28:54 - 28:55
    we talked about it just now,
  • 28:55 - 28:58
    who manages this? It is managed
    at a general level
  • 28:58 - 29:02
    it is managed at the local level,
    it is managed in the region level,
  • 29:02 - 29:04
    a department? You see what I mean?
  • 29:04 - 29:08
    Etienne: In my opinion,
    it is managed at a local level,
  • 29:08 - 29:10
    and thus see, in the assembly of Metz,

  • 29:10 - 29:12
    or even the district of Metz,
  • 29:12 - 29:13
    and we need to decide what do we do?
  • 29:13 - 29:15
    Do we delegate it or not?
  • 29:15 - 29:17
    And the other assemblies,
    they also discuss
  • 29:17 - 29:18
    and those who want to unite,
  • 29:18 - 29:21
    because they feel that
    it will be more efficient
  • 29:21 - 29:22
    when they are many, they unite.
  • 29:22 - 29:24
    And those who don't want to, they don't.
  • 29:24 - 29:26
    I think democracy,
  • 29:26 - 29:28
    it can not, it should not be imposed,
  • 29:29 - 29:32
    if it is imposed, it is like communism.
  • 29:32 - 29:34
    Communism when it is accepted,
  • 29:34 - 29:36
    Communism, we see it in families,
  • 29:36 - 29:37
    each family is a communism.
  • 29:37 - 29:39
    Alain makes me understand that
  • 29:39 - 29:42
    Alain, a great book "On powers"
  • 29:42 - 29:43
    a wonder, a marvel,
  • 29:43 - 29:44
    best of all the books,

  • 29:44 - 29:45
    "On powers",
  • 29:45 - 29:46
    do not miss that!
  • 29:46 - 29:47
    Part.: I confirm
  • 29:47 - 29:48
    Etienne: "On power":
  • 29:48 - 29:52
    the best book of all time.
    Which I know at least.
  • 29:54 - 29:56
    Alain makes me understand that
  • 29:56 - 29:57
    we live communism in our families.
  • 29:57 - 29:59
    That is to say that all human
  • 29:59 - 30:01
    have had the experience of communism,
  • 30:01 - 30:04
    the successful experience,
    often, and great
  • 30:04 - 30:06
    of communism, and it works only
    because it is
  • 30:06 - 30:09
    volunteer, because we agree with it,
  • 30:09 - 30:12
    and that whenever it is not voluntary,
    it is a butcher,
  • 30:12 - 30:13
    I say nothing else but that.
  • 30:13 - 30:18
    When you say, social security,
    who decides?
  • 30:18 - 30:20
    Those who want to, and I have no better
  • 30:20 - 30:22
    answer than that,
  • 30:22 - 30:23
    I will not impose myself
  • 30:23 - 30:25
    on any of the topics,
    in the nuclear, GMOs,
  • 30:25 - 30:27
    abortion, the death penalty ...
  • 30:28 - 30:32
    I use my joker because
    I have no legitimacy
  • 30:32 - 30:35
    even if I am elected, I have
    no legitimacy to decide about this
  • 30:35 - 30:38
    instead of people, people should
    decide this themselves.
  • 30:38 - 30:47
    Participant: with such a system,
    do we risk moving the scale of the state?
  • 30:47 - 30:51
    Etienne: Do we risk to erase or move?
  • 30:51 - 30:53
    Participant: Yes that's right,
    it may exceed ...
  • 30:53 - 30:55
    Etienne: Yes it can exceed
  • 30:55 - 30:57
    and in my opinion, you know what I think,
  • 30:57 - 31:00
    the subject is Europe and
    if we had to do it again?
  • 31:00 - 31:03
    I think that an Europe
    which would have been built like that,
  • 31:03 - 31:06
    starting from the base, federations
    of municipalities to states,
  • 31:06 - 31:08
    to make regions and then states,
  • 31:09 - 31:11
    If there are controls like this
  • 31:11 - 31:13
    that is to say, if we draw the people
  • 31:13 - 31:14
    and monitor them,
  • 31:14 - 31:16
    I think it can be quite ...
  • 31:16 - 31:18
    but there need to be
    a popular education before
  • 31:18 - 31:20
    that's what we are doing here, right now.
  • 31:20 - 31:22
    In order, we have to do it first.
  • 31:22 - 31:23
    First we need to talk together
  • 31:23 - 31:24
    and be millions
  • 31:24 - 31:26
    to want it, millions to say:
  • 31:26 - 31:27
    we want a real democracy,
  • 31:27 - 31:29
    we want it to come from the base,
  • 31:29 - 31:31
    so we need a selfless constituent process,
  • 31:31 - 31:33
    we want a drawn constituent assembly
  • 31:33 - 31:36
    because we want it to start by the base,
    and we want a federation
  • 31:36 - 31:38
    and if we agree, if we are millions
  • 31:38 - 31:39
    to agree on this simple thing
  • 31:39 - 31:43
    it will be done peacefully,
    and it will rise, it will rise ...
  • 31:43 - 31:46
    It can go up to the world level, can be,
    I don't know,
  • 31:46 - 31:48
    but I feel that there is nothing,

  • 31:48 - 31:50
    there are no impossibilities,
  • 31:50 - 31:51
    that it rises to the world
  • 31:51 - 31:53
    whereas what we are doing here,
    globalization,
  • 31:53 - 31:57
    which is the pyramid where
    they will decide everything from above,
  • 31:57 - 31:58
    it is exactly the opposite!
  • 31:58 - 32:00
    It is a terrible tyranny
    what they are doing
  • 32:00 - 32:03
    it's just the opposite,
    and yet it is the same goal,
  • 32:03 - 32:05
    No, no, it's not the same goal but
  • 32:05 - 32:07
    it will lead to a global leadership where
  • 32:07 - 32:09
    one is tyrannical
  • 32:09 - 32:10
    and the other would be democratic.
  • 32:10 - 32:12
    I come back to the second question
  • 32:12 - 32:14
    because I promised you a second question.
  • 32:14 - 32:16
    Participant: What do we do
    about experience?
  • 32:16 - 32:22
    I mean what will say the defensers of
  • 32:22 - 32:25
    representative democracy? They often say:
  • 32:25 - 32:27
    your arguments are advanced,
  • 32:27 - 32:29
    so they need a little experience,
  • 32:29 - 32:30
    so the draw, crack…
  • 32:30 - 32:33
    Etienne: It'll be amateurs,
    that is exactly what we want.
  • 32:33 - 32:36
    Participant: All the holders
    of power today
  • 32:36 - 32:40
    say "I am legitimate because
    I have experience, etc ...
  • 32:41 - 32:42
    Etienne: wait ...
  • 32:42 - 32:45
    Participant: not because
    I am an aristocrat of birth
  • 32:46 - 32:50
    Etienne: but because
    I became better with my work.
  • 32:50 - 32:53
    Therefore, refuting the objection.
  • 32:53 - 32:56
    The representatives are not
    those who decide
  • 32:56 - 32:58
    so it is not they
    who need to be competent.
  • 32:58 - 32:59
    Those who need to be competent
  • 32:59 - 33:00
    are those who vote laws,
  • 33:00 - 33:01
    and that is us.
  • 33:01 - 33:03
    If we are every day at the assembly,
  • 33:03 - 33:04
    we become competent
  • 33:04 - 33:05
    and we have experience.
  • 33:05 - 33:08
    If you like, amateur representatives,
  • 33:08 - 33:10
    are not the ones who must be competent.
  • 33:10 - 33:12
    You understand what I mean?
  • 33:12 - 33:14
    They, they just need to be honest
  • 33:14 - 33:16
    and as they are part of ourselves,
  • 33:16 - 33:18
    they are the expression of ourselves,
  • 33:18 - 33:19
    they were ourselves.
  • 33:19 - 33:23
    They were simple people before becoming
    police officer, judge or magistrate.
  • 33:23 - 33:25
    They were us and they will be again.
  • 33:25 - 33:28
    The guy who was a police officer
    for a time
  • 33:28 - 33:30
    and will come back to being
    a simple citizen,
  • 33:30 - 33:32
    he will not behave at all
    the same way than
  • 33:32 - 33:33
    when he is a policeman
  • 33:33 - 33:36
    for life and he becomes
    a superman who has all rights.
  • 33:36 - 33:37
    You understand?
  • 33:37 - 33:39
    or a parliamentarian who has all rights,
  • 33:39 - 33:39
    or a magistrate
  • 33:39 - 33:41
    you understand what I mean?
  • 33:41 - 33:42
    The idea of the draw
  • 33:42 - 33:43
    which makes the powers rotate
  • 33:43 - 33:47
    so that the authorities remain humble,
  • 33:47 - 33:48
    is absolutely central.
  • 33:48 - 33:52
    Then, is there wire there if I get up?
  • 33:59 - 34:01
    Oh yes it is better that way.
  • 34:05 - 34:07
    What must be understood is that
  • 34:07 - 34:08
    in a democracy worthy of the name
  • 34:08 - 34:10
    which means a democracy in which
  • 34:10 - 34:14
    people decided that enough is enough now,
  • 34:14 - 34:16
    after two hundred years of practice
    of election,
  • 34:16 - 34:18
    After two hundred years of
    representative government,
  • 34:18 - 34:21
    in which the authors,
    who have made this regime,
  • 34:21 - 34:23
    knew very well that
    it was not a democracy.
  • 34:23 - 34:25
    They said it will be an aristocracy,
  • 34:25 - 34:26
    we will put in place the best ones,
  • 34:26 - 34:28
    but after two hundred years of practice,
  • 34:28 - 34:32
    one could see that the scheme gives power
  • 34:32 - 34:33
    absolutely only to the rich people,
  • 34:33 - 34:37
    in all countries of the world
    where this is applied
  • 34:37 - 34:39
    and in all times since two hundred years.
  • 34:39 - 34:41
    There is almost no exceptions,

  • 34:41 - 34:45
    except for one Chavez, or one Allende,
  • 34:45 - 34:47
    Only tyrants, there is only people
    who abuse
  • 34:47 - 34:49
    and are servants of the richs.
  • 34:50 - 34:52
    After two hundred years of practice,
  • 34:52 - 34:54
    people should be able to say
    "hey, wait ...
  • 34:57 - 34:59
    how was it before?
  • 34:59 - 35:01
    when we were drawing, how did it go? "
  • 35:02 - 35:03
    For two hundred years of draw,
  • 35:05 - 35:06
    for two hundred years,
  • 35:06 - 35:08
    there were richs and poors in Athens,
  • 35:08 - 35:10
    there were richs and there were much more
  • 35:10 - 35:11
    poor people than rich?
  • 35:12 - 35:14
    When we will tell you, in Athens,
  • 35:14 - 35:16
    there was an oligarchy, because there was
  • 35:16 - 35:20
    sixty thousand people who led,
  • 35:20 - 35:22
    decided everything for hundreds of
    thousands of people
  • 35:22 - 35:25
    because there were all women,
    and slaves who were not ...
  • 35:25 - 35:28
    This is not true, it was not an oligarchy,
    it is not like that
  • 35:28 - 35:30
    and in any case, that's not
    what's interesting.
  • 35:31 - 35:32
    Like I said earlier, I do not want
  • 35:32 - 35:35
    to generalize the system
    with hundreds of thousands
  • 35:35 - 35:36
    person and 50,000 who lead,
  • 35:36 - 35:38
    that's not what's interesting to me.
  • 35:38 - 35:40
    What interests me is how, among the 50 000
  • 35:40 - 35:46
    which made society, 50,000 citizens,
    there are full of poor people
  • 35:46 - 35:51
    and few rich. For two hundred years,
    the rich people
  • 35:51 - 35:56
    never govern. They rant but
    they live very well
  • 35:56 - 36:00
    their rich life, they are very happy,
    very comfortable, they live well,
  • 36:00 - 36:03
    they are rich and they never govern!
  • 36:05 - 36:07
    And the poor, for two hundred years
    of draw,
  • 36:07 - 36:10
    they always govern
    without stealing to the rich.
  • 36:10 - 36:13
    You see the fear, we say,
    the poor if they govern ...
  • 36:13 - 36:16
    not at all! The rich lived
    their lives of rich people,
  • 36:16 - 36:17
    there was a kind of pact.
  • 36:19 - 36:20
    This should get to us!
  • 36:20 - 36:24
    In any case, the Athenians,
    after 800 years of tyranny,
  • 36:24 - 36:26
    noting that power changed people
  • 36:26 - 36:30
    and transformed them,
    have decided that to get
  • 36:30 - 36:33
    political equality, not a social equality,
  • 36:33 - 36:38
    not an economic equality,
    not a physical equality or intellectual
  • 36:38 - 36:41
    not at all, one man, one vote at
    the Assembly, the real assembly,
  • 36:41 - 36:44
    the true universal sufrage where,
    when I vote,
  • 36:44 - 36:47
    I do not vote to nominate a master, I vote
  • 36:47 - 36:50
    each law and one can agree with a law
  • 36:50 - 36:51
    and disagree with another law.
  • 36:51 - 36:53
    Universal suffrage is I always vote
  • 36:53 - 36:56
    so they want real equality, they want
    to decide for themselves
  • 36:56 - 36:58
    one man one vote,
  • 36:58 - 37:02
    on all laws, to obtain this result,
  • 37:02 - 37:04
    they needed their political amateurism.
  • 37:04 - 37:08
    They said if what leads to
    the idea of democracy is
  • 37:08 - 37:12
    we're tired of professional politicians
    who do everything in our place
  • 37:12 - 37:14
    and who are cheating on us,
    we want amateurs.
  • 37:14 - 37:17
    Yes, they are incompetent but
    that is precisely what we want
  • 37:17 - 37:20
    and for that, we give the power in turns
  • 37:20 - 37:21
    and since power corrupts,
  • 37:21 - 37:23
    we don't give it for long.
  • 37:23 - 37:26
    we make short mandates and not renewable.
  • 37:26 - 37:28
    This goes together,
    if you remove amateurism
  • 37:28 - 37:30
    and you switch to professionalism,

  • 37:30 - 37:34
    you lose democracy, you lose
    the heart of the democratic idea.
  • 37:34 - 37:38
    I can decide about power myself people,
    I can vote myself my laws
  • 37:38 - 37:43
    and participate for real to
    the political activity, I can not do that
  • 37:43 - 37:46
    if professionally, if I avoid
  • 37:46 - 37:48
    the professionalisation of politics
  • 37:48 - 37:51
    but in order to avoid
    the professionalisation of politics
  • 37:52 - 37:54
    I need the rotation of offices
  • 37:54 - 37:56
    and to practice the rotation of offices,

  • 37:56 - 37:58
    I need the draw.
  • 37:58 - 38:02
    The election, by definition,
    consists in choosing the best one.
  • 38:02 - 38:08
    It is aristocratic and it leads
    mechanically
  • 38:08 - 38:09
    to professionalization.
  • 38:10 - 38:10
    Yes?
  • 38:16 - 38:20
    Participant: There, you just said
    something that strikes me,
  • 38:20 - 38:25
    when you say that, what is important
    is the political equality,
  • 38:25 - 38:30
    I agree but I think political equality
    is not possible
  • 38:30 - 38:33
    if there is no economic equality
    and social equality.
  • 38:33 - 38:35
    Etienne: I think that this is not true.
  • 38:35 - 38:37
    It seems to me that this is not true.
  • 38:37 - 38:39
    Participant: I think it deserves a debate.
  • 38:39 - 38:42
    Etienne: Yes, we won't solve it today, but
  • 38:42 - 38:44
    I think that what is very important,
    precisely,
  • 38:44 - 38:50
    really, this is central. And the words
    I use here are very important:
  • 38:52 - 38:57
    the election synchronizes political power
  • 38:57 - 39:01
    and economical power,
    gives the political power
  • 39:01 - 39:03
    to those who already had economical power.
  • 39:05 - 39:08
    In human history,
    we have 3000 years of history
  • 39:08 - 39:11
    and we only know
    this concentration of powers
  • 39:11 - 39:12
    these last two hundred years.
  • 39:12 - 39:16
    Capitalism is based on the election.
  • 39:16 - 39:20
    Again, capitalism, which needs
    this unfair law, this right
  • 39:20 - 39:23
    which gives power, which gives all powers,

  • 39:23 - 39:25
    to the owners of the means of production.
  • 39:25 - 39:28
    This iniquitous law, whom is it
    written by ? It is written by
  • 39:28 - 39:31
    the elected representatives,
    who are elected thanks to the rich,
  • 39:31 - 39:33
    who financed the election campaigns.
  • 39:33 - 39:37
    What I am discovering, at 50 years old,
    is the link there is between,
  • 39:37 - 39:41
    the appointment procedure
    of our political masters,
  • 39:41 - 39:45
    of those who make politics,
    who become professional politicians,
  • 39:45 - 39:48
    the link that exists between this
    and capitalism.
  • 39:48 - 39:51
    And that in the history of man,
    before that period,
  • 39:51 - 39:53
    which should not be called democracy,
  • 39:53 - 39:55
    which is representative government,
  • 39:55 - 39:58
    before this period of two hundred years,
    the rich had not at all ...
  • 39:58 - 40:01
    The rich had power, they were
    influential, they had power, but
  • 40:01 - 40:02
    they did not have all the powers.
  • 40:02 - 40:04
    A rich could be thrown in jail
    by a prince,
  • 40:04 - 40:06
    you could take away all his properties
  • 40:06 - 40:08
    confiscated, it could become a ..
  • 40:08 - 40:11
    Oh yes! Rich needed a ...
  • 40:11 - 40:13
    Participant: The Revolution of 1789

  • 40:13 - 40:16
    it is precisely because there had been
    an evolution,
  • 40:16 - 40:20
    the rich wanted more power.
  • 40:20 - 40:24
    Etienne: exactly, the revolution of 1789
  • 40:24 - 40:29
    allowed the rich to take the power
    they did not have before.
  • 40:29 - 40:30
    Participant: yes.
  • 40:34 - 40:36
    Etienne: So throughout
    the history of mankind,
  • 40:36 - 40:39
    the rich have always had
    other powers against them :
  • 40:39 - 40:43
    nobles, princes, clergy,
    never all the powers.
  • 40:45 - 40:48
    And this situation has changed
    dramatically 200 years ago
  • 40:48 - 40:51
    with a system that
    we defend ourselves today.
  • 40:51 - 40:54
    We must realize that we are responsible,
  • 40:54 - 40:55
    well, we are responsible ...
  • 40:55 - 40:58
    I was taught all my life
    that election equal democracy,
  • 40:58 - 40:59
    and democracy equal election.
  • 40:59 - 41:02
    It is not a contradiction,
    it is a blatant lie,
  • 41:02 - 41:04
    it's not true! Democracy is not
    equal election.
  • 41:04 - 41:07
    It's the opposite! Then, for sure,
    I learned that all my life
  • 41:07 - 41:10
    so it took me to read, one then two,
    then three books,
  • 41:10 - 41:14
    at the beginning you think
    "it's a crazy idea, what is that thing?"
  • 41:14 - 41:16
    Then after a while you start thinking
    "well, it's not silly"
  • 41:16 - 41:20
    and then you begin to deepen and more you
    go in depth and more you think:
  • 41:20 - 41:24
    "I got lied for 50 years, they got me,
  • 41:24 - 41:30
    They described reality to me as
    its opposite"
  • 41:30 - 41:34
    I had to get out of this pitch on my own
  • 41:36 - 41:40
    but wait, that means that
    if we would quit election
  • 41:42 - 41:46
    we would manage to unsynce?
  • 41:46 - 41:48
    it was unsynced?
    How did it work in Athens?
  • 41:48 - 41:49
    How did it work with another
  • 41:49 - 41:51
    system which was the draw?
  • 41:53 - 41:56
    In Athens, there were rich and poor,

  • 41:56 - 41:58
    and there were economically rich
    and economically poor
  • 41:58 - 42:01
    there were politically rich
    and politically poor
  • 42:01 - 42:03
    and it was unsync,
    it was not the same people.
  • 42:03 - 42:05
    There were economic rich, very rich,
  • 42:05 - 42:07
    they were called wogs.
  • 42:07 - 42:09
    They were brought from abroad
    with their money,
  • 42:09 - 42:12
    because they had money, they knew,
    they knew they would come,
  • 42:12 - 42:14
    they would do their business,
    they would get rich,
  • 42:14 - 42:16
    they would live very comfortably
  • 42:16 - 42:18
    they wouldn't cry, they were rich,
  • 42:18 - 42:20
    They were not citizens but
    they were not unhappy,
  • 42:20 - 42:22
    they were rich, they lived
    very comfortably.
  • 42:22 - 42:25
    They were brought from abroad,
    they were rich economically,
  • 42:25 - 42:27
    they were politically poor. Next,
  • 42:27 - 42:30
    you have virtually a slave,
    a worker of the ground,
  • 42:30 - 42:33
    who worked side by side with a slave,
    they were doing the same job
  • 42:33 - 42:35
    the citizen and the slave, the same job.
  • 42:35 - 42:37
    I swear, you must read Hansen,
  • 42:38 - 42:41
    You should read Finlay, great book,
  • 42:41 - 42:44
    there is the bibliography at the end
    of the book I gave you
  • 42:44 - 42:46
    and above all, you must read Hansen
  • 42:46 - 42:48
    Hansen, Athenian democracy
    during Demosthene era.
  • 42:48 - 42:50
    It's wonderful that thing!

  • 42:50 - 42:52
    You have the daily life of these people.
  • 42:52 - 42:53
    This guy spent his life on it,
  • 42:53 - 42:55
    he knew a great deal
    on this topic and Manin
  • 42:55 - 42:57
    "Principles of
    the representative government"
  • 42:57 - 43:00
    Three books, you will change
    by reading these books out.
  • 43:00 - 43:03
    You will see you will change,
    you will be transformed,
  • 43:03 - 43:06
    you will discover a promising world

  • 43:06 - 43:09
    something that worked,
    which was not the black caricature
  • 43:09 - 43:12
    that our MPs are doing because,
    for sure, the elected MPs,
  • 43:12 - 43:14
    my idea lead them to unemployement,
    so they hate me.
  • 43:14 - 43:17
    Ok but the problem is that
    I am not thinking about
  • 43:17 - 43:19
    the sake of the MPs,
    I consider the greater good
  • 43:19 - 43:21
    and I do not mix up with their interests.
  • 43:21 - 43:23
    I know some are perfectly virtuous.
  • 43:23 - 43:26
    I am not saying they are all corrupted,
    it's not what I'm saying.
  • 43:26 - 43:29
    I know that there are dedicated MPs
    who try their best
  • 43:29 - 43:31
    and are not corrupted, I know that.
  • 43:31 - 43:34
    I am jus tsaying that I do not mix up
    their personal interest
  • 43:34 - 43:37
    with the greater good and,
    if the overall organization
  • 43:38 - 43:41
    of the election leads to widespread
    corruption
  • 43:41 - 43:43
    and a government of banks
  • 43:43 - 43:46
    I mean, if you do not see it,
    you're blind.
  • 43:46 - 43:50
    If this system leads to that,
    I can legitimately
  • 43:50 - 43:52
    without upsetting the MPs,
    look for another system
  • 43:52 - 43:54
    wherein, if they are brave,
  • 43:54 - 43:57
    if they are generous, democracy
    will give them the means
  • 43:57 - 44:00
    to give the full measure of their virtue.
  • 44:01 - 44:04
    Presenter: we will have to conclude,
    it is a quarter past ten
  • 44:04 - 44:08
    Participant: Another fifteen minutes
    and then we tidy up all together?
  • 44:08 - 44:09
    It is possible, right?
  • 44:09 - 44:12
    Presenter: the problem is that
    the guard is waiting for us.
  • 44:12 - 44:16
    Etienne: I invite you to watch
    the Marseille conference
  • 44:16 - 44:21
    or the Montpellier conference
    which was held on the 22 of september
  • 44:21 - 44:23
    which I think, are not bad.

  • 44:24 - 44:27
    All the conferences are on internet,
  • 44:27 - 44:29
    you type Chouard in google and then
  • 44:29 - 44:32
    you will find, it is easy,
    there are plenty.
  • 44:32 - 44:34
    In fact, you also need to look at several
  • 44:34 - 44:36
    because I don't say
    the same things every time.
  • 44:36 - 44:39
    Then you especially have to work,
    I expect you to work a little
  • 44:40 - 44:43
    But it's nice, it's true subjects,
    you'll see,
  • 44:43 - 44:47
    I see people, you know in
    these conferences, I see people
  • 44:47 - 44:53
    campaigning for 20 years, I meet people,
    for 30 years they've been fighting,
  • 44:53 - 44:57
    they devote themselves, body and soul,
    they are every Wednesday on markets
  • 44:57 - 45:00
    to distribute flyers,
    trying to change the world.
  • 45:00 - 45:03
    They feel that they are like flies
    on a window, trying hard,
  • 45:03 - 45:06
    there is a trick, they don't manage ...
  • 45:06 - 45:10
    and there, I see, when I talk about this,
    "but here, there is an idea that,
  • 45:10 - 45:14
    it can work that thing,
    that thing can work! "
  • 45:14 - 45:18
    Today, we stand for universal suffrage,
    a false universal surfage,
  • 45:18 - 45:20
    which is to appoint masters.
  • 45:20 - 45:22
    But that's not
    the real universal suffrage,
  • 45:22 - 45:24
    the true universal suffrage is
    when we vote, us,
  • 45:24 - 45:27
    the laws in the assembly,
    the municipal assembly
  • 45:27 - 45:29
    or when we are delegated
    to the National Assembly
  • 45:29 - 45:33
    by our communities and under the control
    of the assembly which has delegated us.
  • 45:33 - 45:37
    We participate ourselves
    to the creation of the laws
  • 45:37 - 45:39
    so when we stand, today,
  • 45:39 - 45:43
    when we defend the vote,
    the false universal suffrage,
  • 45:43 - 45:47
    as if it is the alpha and
    omega of our freedom,
  • 45:47 - 45:49
    whereas it is the opposite,
  • 45:49 - 45:53
    we are responsible
    for our political impotence.
  • 45:53 - 45:57
    Our political impotence,
    it comes from the election
  • 45:57 - 46:01
    and mainly of the election
    of the constituent assembly.
  • 46:01 - 46:05
    I think we could keep an elected assembly,
  • 46:06 - 46:09
    I make concessions,
    I am not completely ...
  • 46:09 - 46:10
    because in my opinion, that's enough.
  • 46:11 - 46:13
    We could have an elected assembly
    of professionals,
  • 46:13 - 46:17
    the same one. So it should reassure you.
  • 46:17 - 46:19
    An elected assembly, the same we have.
  • 46:19 - 46:23
    But the other, the Senate,
    you replace it by a drawn assembly,
  • 46:23 - 46:26
    with people like us,
    and you know when you will draw ,
  • 46:26 - 46:28
    you will have women for half,
    mechanically,
  • 46:28 - 46:31
    there's no need for quota, you draw,
    you're going to have
  • 46:31 - 46:35
    women for half of the assembly, and
    it'll be like that, you're going to have
  • 46:35 - 46:36
    almost half of workers and employees.
  • 46:37 - 46:39
    Mechanically, because you draw,
  • 46:39 - 46:41
    you will have an assembly
    that looks like us,
  • 46:41 - 46:43
    and laws, imagine a system like this
  • 46:43 - 46:46
    a system in which you have
    the room of professionals,
  • 46:46 - 46:48
    it reassures you,
    the chambre of parties and
  • 46:48 - 46:50
    the chamber of drawn citizens, bicameral
  • 46:50 - 46:54
    you take the best of both systems,
    and to ...
  • 46:54 - 46:57
    I feel I'm in a hurry,
    I start to talk fast, I start detalking
  • 46:57 - 47:00
    When, to make a law, you have
    to get both chambers to agree
  • 47:00 - 47:03
    because there is a chamber
    that looks like us, this one
  • 47:03 - 47:06
    for it to say yes to one law,
    it must have understood it.
  • 47:06 - 47:10
    Therefore it has to be simple,
    and it seems to go
  • 47:10 - 47:12
    in the direction of the common interest.
  • 47:12 - 47:15
    But wait, that means that
    the laws will change there,
  • 47:15 - 47:16
    If you have a drawn assembly,
  • 47:16 - 47:19
    whatever it is, I do not need
    to know who will be drawn,
  • 47:19 - 47:21
    I know that because it's normal people,
  • 47:21 - 47:25
    it will drive the legislative corpus
  • 47:25 - 47:27
    in a way that closely matches what I need.
  • 47:29 - 47:30
    What is very important
  • 47:30 - 47:33
    is that a system like this one
  • 47:33 - 47:37
    and other amenities such as
    giving accounts
  • 47:37 - 47:40
    that would make
    the representatives being accountable
  • 47:40 - 47:41
    revocable if they fuck up,
  • 47:41 - 47:44
    the referendum of popular initiative is
    absolutely central,
  • 47:45 - 47:50
    the respect of the white vote,
    the liability of judges before
  • 47:50 - 47:52
    other than judges, etc ...
  • 47:52 - 47:55
    So there is a serie of audit institutions
  • 47:55 - 47:57
    in a representative democracy.
  • 47:57 - 48:01
    I use the word with big quotes,
    as a compromise.
  • 48:01 - 48:05
    I drop some ballast to be, it must not be
  • 48:05 - 48:08
    too radical for it to be acceptable,
    let's accept this because
  • 48:08 - 48:11
    it could already change everything
    but the system there,
  • 48:11 - 48:13
    I tell you, this will never be written.
  • 48:13 - 48:16
    This system of compromise,
    I am not talking
  • 48:16 - 48:18
    about a complete direct democracy
  • 48:18 - 48:21
    a democracy that would be one room,
    will never be written
  • 48:21 - 48:24
    by a constituent assembly
  • 48:24 - 48:25
    elected among party members.
  • 48:25 - 48:27
    Never. Because they have
    a personal interest
  • 48:27 - 48:29
    in it not being written,
  • 48:29 - 48:31
    as they have always done
    for two hundred years,
  • 48:31 - 48:32
    in all countries, in all ages,
  • 48:32 - 48:35
    they never write it,
    they will continue not to write it.
  • 48:35 - 48:38
    In Tunisia, they have just elected
    the constituent assembly,
  • 48:38 - 48:41
    I tell you, they will not write
    the referendum of popular initiative.
  • 48:41 - 48:43
    We'll see, maybe they'll prove me wrong,
  • 48:43 - 48:47
    and therefore, the last point of
    the conclusion, what really matters,
  • 48:47 - 48:51
    is that if you go home, having understood
    something important,
  • 48:51 - 48:55
    putting you to work and developing it,
  • 48:55 - 48:56
    and really understanding it
  • 48:56 - 48:58
    That's it, you understood
    something important:
  • 48:58 - 49:02
    Shit, what I called universal suffrage is
    not really universal suffrage,
  • 49:02 - 49:04
    what I called democracy is not
    true democracy,
  • 49:04 - 49:08
    Finally, the common federation is
    an idea that would be worth digging,
  • 49:08 - 49:11
    Finally, which are the laws that
  • 49:13 - 49:16
    I could validly discuss at the local level
  • 49:16 - 49:18
    and then I start thinking about that.
  • 49:18 - 49:20
    "I grabbed a topic, you seize a subjet
  • 49:20 - 49:21
    which you find interesting
  • 49:22 - 49:26
    it is about most of
    our political impotence and
  • 49:26 - 49:30
    the happiness and unhappiness of
    the generations that follow "
  • 49:30 - 49:34
    But if you settle for that,
    having understood and then that's it.
  • 49:36 - 49:37
    It will not happen, we will lose,
  • 49:40 - 49:44
    Here, I think it can happen, really,
  • 49:44 - 49:46
    it can happen but if,
  • 49:46 - 49:49
    all of us, once we've understood,
  • 49:49 - 49:54
    we do not settle there,
    we make it clear to others
  • 49:54 - 49:56
    and let's not complicate
    the trick by mixing it
  • 49:56 - 50:00
    with ecology, democracy in business,
    corruption of representatives,
  • 50:00 - 50:03
    no, we focus on the essential:
    who wrote the constitution?
  • 50:03 - 50:05
    Who wrote the constitution?
  • 50:05 - 50:06
    It must not be the men in parties,
  • 50:06 - 50:09
    it is necessary that people can not
    write rules for themselves
  • 50:10 - 50:15
    And if we manage to have
    a constituent assembly
  • 50:15 - 50:20
    disinterested, it will not be perfect,
    ok I don' t care
  • 50:20 - 50:23
    it does not matter: still,
    it will be a thousand times better!
  • 50:23 - 50:25
    You will have controls like
    you've never had
  • 50:25 - 50:27
    and you'll regain control over politics
  • 50:27 - 50:30
    simply because the constituent assembly
    will not be made
  • 50:30 - 50:32
    of professional, it will
    be made of amateurs
  • 50:32 - 50:34
    because those who write the right of law,
  • 50:34 - 50:37
    just because you consider
    the problem at its roots,
  • 50:37 - 50:38
    the cause of the causes,
  • 50:38 - 50:40
    which is who wrote the damn rules
  • 50:40 - 50:42
    on top of the legal pyramid,
    who wrote the damn rules
  • 50:42 - 50:45
    you went back all the way
    up there and you said:
  • 50:45 - 50:49
    ok with environmentalists,
    even with the royalists,
  • 50:49 - 50:50
    you can take the people with whom
  • 50:50 - 50:53
    you would never have thought
    you would agree
  • 50:53 - 50:56
    but there is something that unite us
  • 50:56 - 51:01
    in the fact that we are
    powerless politically,
  • 51:01 - 51:03
    is that to get out of
    this political impotence
  • 51:04 - 51:07
    there must be disinterested
    constituent assembly.
  • 51:07 - 51:08
    So a drawn one.
  • 51:08 - 51:10
    Possibly drawn from non-candidates
  • 51:10 - 51:13
    because the draw of
    a constituent assembly scares you
  • 51:13 - 51:15
    you say, "ah shit,
    the constituent assembly,
  • 51:15 - 51:17
    I am going to draw donkeys,
    I 'll draw morons
  • 51:17 - 51:20
    I'll draw angry people,
    I will draw drunkards,
  • 51:20 - 51:23
    so we think
    this one is awful.
  • 51:23 - 51:29
    OK why not, I have a good idea for this,
    I have an answer to that.
  • 51:29 - 51:32
    You are afraid to draw frightful idiots?
  • 51:32 - 51:36
    Ok, I suggest we will do this
    in two stages,
  • 51:36 - 51:40
    this is a procedure that would take
    the best of both.
  • 51:40 - 51:42
    You will be able,
    we will give us the right
  • 51:42 - 51:46
    to elect, but be careful to elect
    people without candidate.
  • 51:46 - 51:50
    Not professionals who are candidates
    and who are submitted to you
  • 51:50 - 51:51
    no no not electing like that,
  • 51:51 - 51:53
    electing without candidate.
  • 51:53 - 51:55
    You can choose around you
  • 51:55 - 51:58
    we give the citizens the opportunity
    to choose around them
  • 51:58 - 52:03
    two or three people they think,
    with their criterias,
  • 52:03 - 52:06
    are brave, competent, suitable for
  • 52:06 - 52:07
    writing a constitution.
  • 52:09 - 52:12
    Such will choose him and him
    because they speak well
  • 52:12 - 52:14
    or him and him because they read
  • 52:14 - 52:17
    or him and him because
    they're patient during discussions,
  • 52:17 - 52:19
    in general it is not those who get upset,
  • 52:19 - 52:22
    it's those who enjoy
    getting closer different views
  • 52:22 - 52:23
    each one will have ...
  • 52:23 - 52:27
    There is one who is going to choose him
    because he is cute, because he wears a tie
  • 52:27 - 52:30
    there are some who will choose
    with bad criteria.
  • 52:30 - 52:32
    ok, who cares, we don't have better,
  • 52:32 - 52:34
    listen it is not bad already .
  • 52:34 - 52:38
    You let the opportunity
    for people to choose
  • 52:38 - 52:40
    those they think are most appropriate
  • 52:40 - 52:42
    the two or three they think are the most
  • 52:42 - 52:44
    adapted to write the constitution
  • 52:44 - 52:46
    freely, and they do not know yet.
  • 52:46 - 52:47
    Maybe they will refuse.
  • 52:47 - 52:49
    You will designate your neighbor that you
  • 52:49 - 52:51
    like and that really seems smart, calm,
  • 52:51 - 52:53
    and rather humanist, so it is someone who
  • 52:53 - 52:55
    is likely to do things well,
  • 52:55 - 52:57
    plus he can read,
    he can change his mind and ...
  • 52:57 - 52:59
    no matter what quality
    you have found in him
  • 52:59 - 53:00
    and perhaps he will refuse
  • 53:00 - 53:03
    but it does not matter,
    we will designate millions like this
  • 53:03 - 53:06
    and there is no need of millions,
    we need one hundred,
  • 53:06 - 53:08
    So it does not matter if he refuses,
  • 53:08 - 53:10
    you will designate those
    you consider to be the best
  • 53:10 - 53:12
    and in there, there are
    those who will accept ,
  • 53:12 - 53:14
    they will accept because it is promising,
  • 53:14 - 53:17
    then they will devote themselves
    because already
  • 53:17 - 53:18
    in lots of other situations,
  • 53:18 - 53:22
    they are committed in their family,
    they are committed in their profession.
  • 53:22 - 53:25
    They are dedicated, so there
    they will commit once again.
  • 53:25 - 53:28
    There are plenty of people who do that,
    who will be designated as valorous,
  • 53:28 - 53:31
    freely, by the people around them
    and who will commit
  • 53:31 - 53:36
    and this people there, among those
    who have agreed after being designated
  • 53:37 - 53:38
    you draw from them
  • 53:39 - 53:41
    and there you will have an assembly like
  • 53:41 - 53:43
    you've never had in
    the history of mankind.
  • 53:43 - 53:46
    Athens even, they have not had that
    to make their ...
  • 53:46 - 53:47
    and I'm sure ...
  • 53:48 - 53:51
    Hey I may be wrong, you saw
    what leads me to believe that.
  • 53:51 - 53:54
    It's a logical thinking, observations,
  • 53:54 - 53:59
    I'm sure we will have historically
    revolutionary results.
  • 53:59 - 54:02
    Finally, we will have the first democracy,
    at least
  • 54:02 - 54:05
    the first democracy, even more than that,
    more than this one,
  • 54:05 - 54:07
    because there will be women,
    there will be no slaves
  • 54:07 - 54:10
    and there will be
    the permanent monitoring of powers,
  • 54:10 - 54:14
    this fair and incorruptible distribution,
  • 54:14 - 54:16
    which the draw ensures,
  • 54:16 - 54:21
    this fair and incorruptible distribution,
    of the little power we want to delegate,
  • 54:21 - 54:25
    knowing that the rest,
    we want to exert ourselves.
  • 54:25 - 54:27
    It is a sexy idea, right?
  • 54:28 - 54:31
    Here, then, you must yourself
    become viruses,
  • 54:31 - 54:32
    if you want it to work,
  • 54:32 - 54:35
    and if we are millions, it will happen,
  • 54:35 - 54:38
    we will have to go out in the street
    and if we are millions,
  • 54:38 - 54:40
    noone can resist to that.
    And it will come peacefully.
  • 54:40 - 54:42
    I dream a little but...
  • 54:42 - 54:43
    Presenter: There is a question
  • 54:43 - 54:45
    Etienne: a question ah, great!
  • 54:45 - 54:49
    Participant: M Chouard, I really
    appreciate your work, your thoughts
  • 54:51 - 54:55
    I am completely on your line,
    I understand when you say that
  • 54:56 - 55:01
    the principles of 1789 are dodged
    at the base in the sense that
  • 55:01 - 55:04
    the political powers are synchronized
    to economical powers.
  • 55:05 - 55:09
    I appreciate as well
    your idea of the draw
  • 55:09 - 55:13
    which would improve somewhat
    the democratic life.
  • 55:13 - 55:24
    However, I also think that these are
    concepts to be extensively studied
  • 55:30 - 55:34
    and cogitated. These are ideas
    that can not ignite a society overnight,
  • 55:34 - 55:36
    it takes time for new ideas to spread.
  • 55:37 - 55:39
    Etienne: Look, I think people
  • 55:39 - 55:43
    understand quickly, they often
    get it fast, well not all but ...
  • 55:48 - 55:52
    Participant: Let me ask
    a question that goes a little
  • 55:52 - 55:57
    back into political and economic news.
  • 55:58 - 56:01
    Okay, we leave the elective
    representation system of 1789
  • 56:01 - 56:05
    Nevertheless, since twenty years,
    we are not in this system anymore.
  • 56:05 - 56:09
    You describe it very well
    in your theses on the European Union.
  • 56:09 - 56:13
    The Maastricht Treaty,
    they said it was the anti - 1789,
  • 56:13 - 56:16
    Etienne: it is the anti democracy, yes
  • 56:16 - 56:17
    Participant: News shows, in the end,
  • 56:17 - 56:19
    I think that things can go very fast
  • 56:19 - 56:22
    in the new ideas you mentioned
  • 56:22 - 56:26
    but things can go as quickly
    in the direction of
  • 56:26 - 56:30
    a complete degradation of
    the social situation in France
  • 56:30 - 56:36
    And then I come to
    when you referred to the Article 50
  • 56:36 - 56:37
    for leaving the European Union…
  • 56:37 - 56:41
    Etienne: To quit the European Union,
    get out of Europe, get out of the trap.
  • 56:41 - 56:43
    Participant: out of Europe,
  • 56:43 - 56:47
    Do you consider it consistent,
    the idea which would be
  • 56:48 - 56:52
    to develop your concepts
    but at the same time,
  • 56:52 - 56:55
    to decide to get out of this Europe.
  • 56:59 - 57:02
    Etienne: I never said anything else
    than this: we must leave
  • 57:02 - 57:04
    the European Union urgently.
  • 57:05 - 57:08
    Besides, I probably would not vote
    for someone
  • 57:08 - 57:11
    who says he wants to stay
    in the European Union
  • 57:11 - 57:13
    even if I like him and
    yet there is one that
  • 57:13 - 57:17
    I like and wants to stay in Europe
    and it hurts
  • 57:17 - 57:21
    because I consider it so very serious
    to remain in the European Union.
  • 57:22 - 57:24
    When Jacques Généreux, which for me is
  • 57:24 - 57:27
    one of the greatest politicians
    of the country.
  • 57:27 - 57:30
    Jacques Généreux is an encyclopedic mind
  • 57:30 - 57:34
    You should read Jacques Généreux,
    I should have brought the books
  • 57:34 - 57:38
    of Jacques Généreux,
    it's better than Montesquieu,
  • 57:38 - 57:43
    it is a great political thinker, Genereux
    a guy with a competence in economics,
  • 57:43 - 57:50
    he is a wonder. He's someone important,
    and he claims that we can remain
  • 57:51 - 57:54
    in the European Union
    and disobey in everything.
  • 57:58 - 58:03
    It hurts because I wish
    I could vote for this guy
  • 58:03 - 58:04
    I like Généreux
  • 58:04 - 58:06
    He would make a great president,
    he is human,
  • 58:08 - 58:12
    I think he is not corrupted,
    he looks good and when he say that,
  • 58:12 - 58:13
    it hurts,
  • 58:13 - 58:15
    because I really feel that
    we are on the essential…
  • 58:17 - 58:22
    Finally, I think he is wrong, yes yes,
    so I'm going in your direction,
  • 58:22 - 58:24
    I think it's very important to get out

  • 58:24 - 58:26
    from the European Union
  • 58:26 - 58:30
    and I am sorry not to see
    people that seem to me
  • 58:30 - 58:34
    the closest, the most
    progressives, the most humans
  • 58:35 - 58:40
    locking us into this trap, I find it very
    contradictory, I do not understand why.
  • 58:40 - 58:45
    For example the Communist Party keeps
    wanting to stay in the European Union,
  • 58:45 - 58:50
    it is extravagant, they will be
    at 1% and it's desserves! I mean
  • 58:50 - 58:52
    I no longer vote to stay
    in the European Union
  • 58:52 - 58:56
    Participant: Well what do you think
    of the idea that spread, there is a party
  • 58:56 - 58:59
    that had the idea, the party
    of the Popular Republican Union,
  • 58:59 - 59:01
    Etienne: The UPR of Asselinot
  • 59:01 - 59:04
    Participant: to bring together
    the different political sensitivity
  • 59:04 - 59:08
    around the basic project that is
    getting out of the European Union.
  • 59:08 - 59:10
    Etienne: no, the resistance of Asselinot,
  • 59:10 - 59:12
    it is very useful. So, Asselinot is
  • 59:12 - 59:15
    a guy who worked for Pasqua, etc.
  • 59:15 - 59:17
    So today the fact he worked for Pasqua
  • 59:17 - 59:18
    makes him the devil
  • 59:18 - 59:21
    but I think he's not a devil.
  • 59:21 - 59:25
    Today his work on resistance
    to the European Union
  • 59:25 - 59:30
    he raises scandals, it's amazing...
    Fortunately, he is here to denounce
  • 59:30 - 59:33
    extremely dangerous shenanigans.
  • 59:33 - 59:38
    I find that the work of Acelinot is
    precious, more than useful,
  • 59:38 - 59:40
    I think he's a great sentinel
  • 59:42 - 59:45
    but I would never put myself in any party,
  • 59:45 - 59:49
    the only party to which
    I could participate, is a party
  • 59:49 - 59:51
    leaderless and without program.
  • 59:56 - 59:57
    Participant : or Les Indignés
  • 59:57 - 60:00
    Etienne: yes here, Les Indignés,
    it would rather fit me.
  • 60:00 - 60:04
    I see that Les Indignés are
    being recovered by left parties
  • 60:04 - 60:07
    and prohibiting
    the right parties to appear .
  • 60:07 - 60:09
    What would be nice is that Les Indignés,
  • 60:09 - 60:11
    they could have rightists and leftists.
  • 60:11 - 60:14
    I mean, what we call rightists
    and what we call leftists,
  • 60:14 - 60:16
    It would be good that
    Les Indignés would stay open.
  • 60:18 - 60:22
    Presenter: Right, here
    we have to release the room
  • 60:22 - 60:25
    what I suggest is for you to go
    a little bit where we ate
  • 60:25 - 60:28
    with Etienne while we we tidy up the room.
  • 60:31 - 60:35
    (Applauses)
  • 60:47 - 60:49
    Etienne: you didn't get bored?
  • 60:49 - 60:52
    Participant: No
  • 60:52 - 60:53
    Etienne: it was not too long?
  • 60:53 - 60:55
    Participant: No
  • 60:55 - 60:57
    Participant: it was too short!
Title:
6/6.Chouard.Metz.oct2011-DÉMOCRATIE DONC TIRAGE AU SORT
Description:

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Video Language:
French
Duration:
01:02:01

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